Siya Duggal | Originally Published: 27 October 2026
Introduction
While termed the ‘Cold’ War, the conflict between the United States (US) and the Soviet Union was not free of violence. Vietnam is one example of a ‘hot’ conflict zone that reflected the ‘cold’ battle of ideologies taking place across the globe. The United States viewed communism as its mortal enemy, capitalism as the ideology that would save the world, and force as a necessity to combat communism (Cowen 2026a; Cowen 2026b). Thereby, when Vietnam turned to relying on Soviet communism to gain independence from France and received support from Chinese communists, the US intervened and entered into a war in Vietnam (Westad 2017, 150). The United States attacked Vietnam to prevent a domino effect of countries turning to communism (151). However, the US was not able to achieve this intended effect, as Vietnam ultimately unified as an independent communist nation in 1975 (479-480).
In this article, I will rely on Last Night I Dream of Peace: The Diary of Dang Thuy Tram to argue that the US intervention led Vietnamese civilians to view the Americans as the enemy, and thereby the intervention failed to deter support for communism. First, I will discuss that Vietnamese support for communism was a byproduct of their fight for independence. I will also utilize extracts from Tram’s diary entries to highlight that the Vietnamese aimed to unify the North and South. Finally, I will explore Tram’s hostility towards the American military invasion and connect her hostility to the beliefs held by the Vietnamese more broadly.
Communism as the Path to Independence: Unifying the North and South into a Free Vietnam
Dang Thuy Tram was a Vietnamese surgeon who worked on the frontlines during the Vietnam War. She subscribed to the ideology advanced by Vietnamese revolutionary Ho Chi Minh, who stated that “only Socialism and Communism can liberate the oppressed nations and the working people throughout the world from slavery” (32). After the end of World War Two, the Communist Party strengthened and was able to gain power, with its leader, Ho Chi Minh, declaring independence in August 1945 (129). Soviet communism, given its internationalist nature, began being viewed as a method through which the Vietnamese could achieve independence, as through it, their fight for self-rule could be recognized on a global scale (149). As explained by Westad, communism was supported in Vietnam in part because Vietnamese elites had been educated through the French system (149). This is reflected in the fact that both Ho Chi Minh and Dang Thuy Tram studied in schools set up by the French (Westad 2017, 149; Tram 2005, vi). Through her 10 October 1968 entry, in which she expresses joy over Hanoi’s liberation from the French, Dang Thuy Tram (2005) conveys that for the Vietnamese, the true battle was not between capitalism and communism; rather, it was a fight for Vietnamese independence, relying on whichever ideology best supported their goals (57-58). Tram further supports this view in her 27 April 1969 entry where she states, “Oh, the dream is not mine alone, but it’s the dream of Peace and Independence burning in the hearts of thirty million Vietnamese and in millions of people around the world” (111). Tram’s support for the Provisional Revolutionary Government being formed in June 1969, and her framing of it as a “historic event” and “another major step of the revolution,” further accentuate that the Vietnamese were fighting for independence (124).
Tram highlights that while the West viewed the North as the enemy given that it was ruled by Communists, the Vietnamese, especially those like Tram who were born in North Vietnam, viewed both North and South Vietnam as part of their nation. Particularly, in her July 18, 1968 entry, Tram states, “Received ten letters from the North … they all care for me. The dear North still stands firm despite the falling bombs and bullets. The war has not hindered our nation on the road to victory…I’ve met so many braver young men here in the heroic South” (36-37). Tram’s fond descriptions of North and South Vietnam highlight how the Vietnamese saw them as two halves of one whole; two parts that they wished to see joined as one free nation. Throughout the Vietnam War, the Vietnamese viewed communism as the path that would lead to their goal of independence.
Vietnamese Support for Communism and Hostility Towards the United States
To open the second book in Last Night I Dreamed of Peace, Tram includes a quote from Hoang Van Thu: “Hold firmly the spirit of a communist, a spirit as clear as crystal, as hard as diamond, a spirit shining bright with a thousand halos of faith” (171). In including this support, Tram conveys her support for communism and how it was viewed as the pure ideology. In contrast, throughout her diary entries, Tram paints the Americans as devious and classifies them as the enemy. In doing so, she reflects the Vietnamese opposition to the Americans’ forceful attempt to impose capitalism and divide the Vietnamese nation. In her 10 October and 3 November 1968 entries, Tram states, “Oh, Hanoi, as much as I miss it, I feel for Saigon” and “Peace has come to the North…but…the South still suffers in fire and smoke. It remains in the vise of vicious roaring devils” (58, 64-65). Saigon was the capital of South Vietnam during the Vietnam War, and this quote from Tram’s diary reflects the fact that many Vietnamese civilians opposed the US-backed government in South Vietnam (Westad 2017, 334). Tram’s opposition to the American war efforts was also evident in her 11 June 1969 entry, wherein she discussed the impacts of the American deployment of a toxic chemical known as Agent Orange (Tram 2005, 124-125). Tram (2005) again refers to the Americans as “the enemies” in her 25 June 1969 entry (128). Furthermore, months after Agent Orange began being used, on 25 August 1969, Tram wrote:
“Every night the Americans…hide in the rice fields and then attack at predawn…Lying in the shelter, listening to their shouting and their search above, I feel the full crush of rage and hate pressing down on me…This is war…and the most hideous thing about it is the bloodthirsty Americans” (149).
In the face of this challenging war, Tram recounts an individual advising her, “This war is so perilous. I wish you, Thuy, would stand firm in the stance of a communist” (128). This advice demonstrates that in the face of American attacks, the Vietnamese viewed communism as the key to winning their war for independence. As demonstrated by this selection of quotes, as battles raged from 1968-1970, Tram’s hostility towards the Americans and support for Vietnam’s communist forces solidified.
Conclusion
On balance, through Dang Thuy Tram’s diary entries, it is evident that the Vietnamese viewed the Americans as devious, vicious enemies who were opposing Vietnamese independence. The Vietnamese viewed communism as the path to their independence, and the US intervention solidified a negative view of their forces. Tram’s experiences also highlight how American paranoia surrounding communism and the potential domino effect of Vietnam turning communist caused them to ignore that the primary aim of the Vietnamese reliance on communism was not to further Soviet influence or undermine American power, but rather to achieve decolonisation. Ultimately, the American efforts in Vietnam produced the opposite of their intended effect. The American intervention did not deter support for communism; instead, it caused the Vietnamese to view the Americans and their ideology as devious. Ultimately, as described by Westad (2017), the US intervention failed, reflecting a “defeat for American power in Asia” as Vietnamese communist forces took Saigon, unifying the country of Vietnam in 1975 (479-480). On balance, the Vietnam War reflects how colonized nations viewed Soviet communism as a model to achieve independence, and the conflict also represents a failure in America’s containment policy. In being paranoid about communism, the United States failed to distinguish between direct Soviet influence and the global reach of communism as an ideology independent of the Soviet Union. Nations like Vietnam did not wish to become Soviet puppet states; rather, they aspired to use the Soviet ideology to escape imperialism and form an independent nation.
Siya Duggal is a student at the University of Toronto, studying International Relations, History, and Political Science. She has completed the legal history, human rights, and international law focus streams. Her primary interests in international relations are: Canadian foreign relations, international law, global Indigenous rights, the history of international relations, and the efficacy of international organizations. Siya was an Editor for Vol. XXIV of the Attaché Journal of International Affairs (2024-25), Co-Head of the Commentary Division (2025-2026), and is currently Head of the Commentary Division (2026-2027). Under her leadership, the 2025-2026 Commentary Division published 50 articles; Siya looks forward to continuing this success in the 2026-2027 year. In her free time, Siya enjoys visiting cafés around campus, with Goldstruck and Coco Espresso Bar being her favourites.
References
1. Cowen, Felix. “The Early Cold War.” HIS344H1: The Global Cold War. Class lecture at University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, September 23, 2026a.
2. Cowen, Felix. “World War II and the Postwar World.” HIS344H1: The Global Cold War. Class lecture at University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, September 16, 2026b.
3. Tram, Dang Thuy. Last Night I Dreamed of Peace: The Diary of Dang Thuy Tram. Translated by Andrew X. Pham. 2005; Three Rivers Press, 2007.
4. Westad, Odd Arne. The Cold War: A World History. Basic Books, 2017.
